M Jashim Ali Chowdhury
Doctoral Candidate (Legislative Studies), King’s
College London
Published in Daily Observer, Law and Justice,
Dhaka Bangladesh, 21 December 2019 p. 18
The Westminster parliament is admittedly a
cabinet controlled one. Government’s grip over the Order Paper – the daily
schedule of parliamentary business - is a rule. Private members’ chance of
agenda setting is rather an exception. While the accountability function of
parliament depends much on non-government and opposition activism, our
parliament is trailing much behind the modernisation discourse across commonwealth
parliaments. Even within the UK House of Commons, various extra-governmental
avenues have evolved during the post-World War II era that successfully
minimise the adverse impact of cabinet dictatorship within parliament. Parliament
of Bangladesh, however, poses a rather gloomy and non-progressive stance in
this regard.
Standing Order 14 of the UK House of
Commons reserves 20 opposition and 35 backbench days every session. On the Opposition
Days, leaders of the opposition parties would decide the issues to be
discussed in the House. Government, however, has the power to specify the exact
date on which the debates will be scheduled. Once a date is scheduled, a motion
- usually critical of government actions or policies - will be debated and
voted upon first. Government amendment to the motion will be considered
thereafter. Purpose of the tradition is to allow the opposition’s motion a full
pledged debate.
Agenda for the 35 Backbench Business Days
are settled by the Backbench Business Committee. Different private member bills
and topics chosen by the Backbench Committee and select committee reports
chosen by the Liaison Committee would be discussed in the House or in the Westminster
Hall. Backbench days ensure that important but
uncomfortable issues are
not kept off the agenda by the government.
Westminster Hall Debate is an informal
extension of the House of Commons that would reduce pressure upon parliamentary
time and make sure that questions and concerns of individual members do not
pass unattended. Issues raised by individual MPs, public petitions and select
committee reports are debated in the Hall without voting. A responsible
minister of the government would reply to the concerns. Any other MP interested
in the topic may participate the debate. In case a need for voting arises, the
matter is referred to the House.
Apart from these
collective tools, individual members may submit non-binding internal petitions
to the House of Commons. Members’ petitions are known as Early Day Motions
(EDM). These are scarcely debated in the floor. Still they have a very
strong signalling purpose when members or group of members express their
independent opinion that may be clearly different from their government or
party policy.
A MP may also raise issues of concern in the Half-an-hour
Adjournment Debate at the end of each day’s session. Standing Order 24 of the UK House
of Commons permit individual MPs to request Emergency Debate on any
matter of urgent importance. If allowed by the Speaker, the application then
would be submitted to the House. If the House agrees, a full debate usually
follows the next day. A similar tool of activism is Urgent Question. If accepted
by the Speaker, it would oblige the concerned minister to come to the Parliament
within the day and answer to the House’s satisfaction. Recently
retiring Speaker John Bercow extensively permitted Urgent Questions and
thereby took the parliament’s power of scrutiny to a new height.
Compared to the House of Commons, MPs in
Jatya Sangsad have some traditional tools like parliamentary questions, motions
for adjournment, half-an-hour discussion, short discussion, call-attention and
private member resolutions. MPs’ chance to address the pressing needs of time
through these archaic devices remain farfetched.
Parliamentary Questions have failed to
generate substantial accountability for different procedural and attitudinal
issues surrounding our parliamentary practice. Though there is a scope of
asking short notice questions and supplementary questions, governments have
faced little difficulties in tackling the toothless bites of questioning.
Requirement of longer notice and ability of the ministers to avoid answering
uneasy questions or answer in very vague or general terms frustrates the very
purpose of accountability. Compared to the UK House of Common’s Urgent Question
device, ours is hardly an urgent one.
If a Member of Parliament feels that the
question and answer to it involves a matter of public importance, which needs further
factual clarification, s/he may move a motion for Half-an-Hour Discussion
on the issue. Unfortunately, these discussions are rarely allowed. Lacking the
power to inject something in parliamentary agenda in any other way, the opposition
parties have tried Motions for Adjournment of parliamentary business to
discuss matters of recent and urgent public importance. Moved two hours before
every days’ business, the government usually considers the adjournment motions
as disruption of parliamentary agenda. Opposition parties are also sometimes
accused of using it as political point scoring show rather than as a sincere
commitment to accountability.
Individual MPs may also request Short
Discussion on such matters of urgent public importance. One particularly
hard qualification of the Short Discussion is the requirement of the Speaker
consulting the Leader of the House, i.e., the Prime Minister. Individual
MPs have a scope to move a Call Attention Motion. Once admitted, the
sponsoring MP would be given a fixed time, usually two to three minutes, to
discuss and bring to attention of a minister, any matter of urgent public
importance. Minister concerned may reply but there is no guarantee of a follow
up debate or questioning over the issue.
The members may move Private Member
Resolutions to address and discuss important issues of public policy and
government accountability. Such a resolution, requiring ten days of advance
notice, may demand government actions or/and support to address the concern
raised. Absent the government endorsement, success rate for private member
resolutions are unfortunately very slim.
Compared to the
House of Commons, individual government and opposition party members in
Bangladesh have very limited role in agenda setting. Frustration over the continuous
under performance of parliament in its accountability function therefore needs
be addressed by looking into this area of parliamentary reform. Individual tools
that evolved in the UK Parliament during its post-World War II era of
modernisation could constitute a persuasive jurisprudence of reform for our
parliament. Particularly when we call ours a Westminster parliament.
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